(Standing Orders Committee, Parliament of New Zealand)
From: Ukes Baha | 24 September 2025
Submitted in response to the call for submissions on the Review of Standing Orders 2026
I oppose the Review of Standing Orders 2026 in its current trajectory.
Framed as efficiency and modernisation, this review entrenches Executive dominance, weakens select committee scrutiny, sidelines Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and reduces the ability of citizens to hold Parliament accountable.
Core stance: Standing Orders are not technical housekeeping. They are the constitutional rules that decide whether Parliament serves the people or the Government of the day. At present, they erode scrutiny, centralise control, and silence public voice.
Recommendation: Withdraw the review in its current form. If Parliament proceeds, it must embed reforms that restore scrutiny, empower committees, prohibit urgency abuse, strengthen Treaty oversight, and guarantee Te Tiriti partnership.
Business Committee Centralisation
The Business Committee sets committee structures and procedures, concentrating power in a handful of senior MPs and suppressing minority voices (PPNZ 2023, Part 4, ch. 25).
Government Majorities on Committees
Proportional membership rules ensure Government majorities; committees often function as extensions of Cabinet rather than checks (PPNZ 2023, Part 4, ch. 26).
Overwork and Shallow Scrutiny
MPs’ multiple committee assignments drive reliance on departmental advice and limit independent examination (PPNZ 2023, Part 4, ch. 26).
Abuse of Urgency
Urgency truncates six-month scrutiny, squeezes out hearings, and excludes public submissions (PPNZ 2023, Part 5, ch. 37).
Closed-Door Deliberations
Committee deliberations remain secret; broadcasting covers only select moments, shielding political deals from view (PPNZ 2023, Part 4, ch. 30).
Inquiries and Petitions Hollowed Out
Petitions—an “ancient right”—and inquiries are sidelined by workloads and process, reducing citizen redress to symbolism (PPNZ 2023, Part 7, ch. 49).
Treaty Scrutiny as Rubber-Stamping
Only 15 sitting days for international treaty examination precludes meaningful iwi consultation or public participation (PPNZ 2023, Part 7, ch. 53).
Government Bills Dominate the House
In the 52nd Parliament, Government bills comprised the overwhelming majority of introductions and enactments, marginalising Members’ and local bills (PPNZ 2023, Part 5, ch. 34).
Omnibus Bills and Loopholes
Despite prohibitions on “miscellaneous law reform,” unrelated provisions are bundled under a “single broad policy” or via Business Committee approval (PPNZ 2023, Part 5, ch. 34).
Secondary Legislation and Executive Discretion
Most law each year is made through secondary legislation with far less oversight than bills (PPNZ 2023, Part 5, ch. 41).
Government’s Financial Veto
The undefined standard of “more than a minor impact” on fiscal aggregates, immune from Speaker challenge, hands the Executive an unchecked veto (PPNZ 2023, Part 6, ch. 42.5).
Appropriations Beyond Scrutiny
Permanent and multi-year appropriations lock in expenditure and erode annual parliamentary control (PPNZ 2023, Part 6, ch. 43.4).
Imprest Supply as Blank Cheque
Imprest Supply operates as a de facto “blank cheque,” with interim spending only retrospectively legalised (PPNZ 2023, Part 6, ch. 43.5.2).
The Standing Orders are the foundation of New Zealand’s parliamentary democracy. As they stand, they entrench Executive dominance, weaken scrutiny, and silence the public. The 2026 review must not be cosmetic; it must confront structural erosion.
Respectfully submitted,
Ukes Baha
Public Health Advocate | Counsellor | Policy Analyst
ukesbaha.com